Today we continue our Presidential Geography series, a one-by-one examination of the peculiarities that drive the politics in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Today's stop: New York. FiveThirtyEight spoke with Steven A. Greenberg, the Siena College pollster and political consultant, and Bruce Gyory, a consultant at Corning Place Communications and an adjunct professor of political science at the University at Albany.
New York's Democrats are underachievers.
Sure, Barack Obama won the 2008 election in New York with 62.2 percent of the vote â" behind only Hawaii, Vermont and Washington, D.C. â" and Andrew M. Cuomo took the governor's mansion in 2010 with 62.6 percent.
But in a state where almost half of the voters are registered Democrats, giving them a 2-to-1 advantage over registered Republicans, is that really such an accomplishment?
To understand the state's politics, it makes sense to divide New York into three regions: New York City, the downstate suburbs (Nassau and Suffolk Counties on Long Island, Westchester and Rockland Counties just north of the city), and the sprawling, diverse upstate region.
As far as Democratic performance goes, New York City, the state's liberal economic engine, is the biggest slacker of all. A city that has not voted for a Republican for president since Calvin Coolidge in 1922 has not elected a Democratic mayor since 1989. The five boroughs also don't vote their weight: As Mr. Gyory notes, in 2008 New York City made up about 42 percent of the state's population, 38 percent of its registered voters and 34 percent of the vote â" and that figure actually shows improvement over previous years.
Upstate New York, on the other hand, contributes 42 percent to 46 percent of the vote, despite having about 36 percent of the population and 39 percent of the registered voters, Mr. Gyory said. The region includes vast rural tracts, including the northernmost stretches of Appalachia, as well as dying manufacturing towns and the state's capital. Upstate's medium-size cities, like Rochester and Buffalo, fit a Rust Belt profile â" people even say âpopâ instead of âsoda.â
âA Democrat has a problem if he or she cannot carry at least 40 percent of the vote upstate,â Mr. Gyory said. But 45 percent, he added, can almost guarantee a victory.
It's hard to blame New York's Democrats for resting on their laurels. The last time a Republican presidential candidate won the state was Ronald Reagan's landslide re-election in 1984, and the last Republican to win a statewide race was Gov. George Pataki, whose third re-election race was two decades ago.
With the careers of Mr. Pataki and Rudolph W. Giuliani apparently over, the New York Republican Party has no standard-bearer. Republicans' small registration numbers hamper their ability to draw in undecided voters, because the conservative primary electorate tends to choose candidates well to the right of the state's mainstream.
âIt's getting bluer because the Republicans are not giving them much of a run for their money,â Mr. Gyory said.
Case in point: In 2010, an energized Tea Party-infused Republican electorate chose Carl P. Paladino, a Buffalo businessman known more for his eccentricity than for his political acumen, over former Representative Rick A. Lazio of Long Island. (Earlier in the campaign, the head of the state Republican Party was so despondent about the party's chances that he tried to recruit a Democrat to switch parties and run against Mr. Cuomo on the Republican ticket.)
Mr. Cuomo beat Mr. Paladino by almost 30 points, and the state's Democratic United States senators won by similar margins. But as Mr. Greenberg pointed out, the Democrat running for attorney general won by 11 points, and Thomas P. DiNapoli won re-election to the comptroller's of fice by only 2.5 points.
âSo we clearly have swing voters,â Mr. Greenberg said.
But without moderates, Republicans might not be able to draw them in.
âIn gubernatorial years, New York is a Democrat, not a liberal, state,â Mr. Gyory said. But he warns that if Republicans âcontinue to not run good candidates, they won't be able to take advantage of that distinction.â
The Bellwethers
According to Mr. Greenberg, even the âworst Democratâ would get 40 percent of the vote, and his or her terrible Republican rival would get about 25 percent. An additional 15 percent of voters are likely to favor Democrats in most cases, he said, so only about 20 percent of the electorate is truly up for grabs.
Where do these swing voters live? Westchester County is a key battleground. Immediately north of New York City, Westchester is one of the most ethnically diverse counties in the state, with growing Hispanic and Asian communities clustered in cities like Yonkers and New Rochelle. Efforts to integrate minorities into the county's graceful, affluent bedroom communities along the Hudson River with affordable-housing grants have caused tension, and the moves have put County Manager Rob Astorino â" one of the few rising Republican stars â" in the spotlight.
Mr. Greenberg looks to Westchester and to Erie County, where Buffalo is situated, to determine a Democrat's chances.
âAs a Democrat, you do what you're supposed to do in the city, you carry Westchester and Erie, you're going to win,â he said. Republicans have a more daunting task.
âIf a Republican is going to be competitive in New York State, they've got to carry the suburbs, they've got to carry upstate,â Mr. Greenberg said. Republicans don't have to win upstate by a high margin, he added, but they need to amass âclose to 60 percentâ in the suburbs.
That's likely to be increasingly difficult. Though they once leaned Republica n, Long Island's two counties are increasingly purple. Almost a third of Long Island's population is nonwhite, a dramatic shift. In Westchester, that figure is 35 percent.
The other suburbs around Albany, Rochester, Buffalo and Syracuse are also competitive, and there are even some swing voters in New York City, including the white ethnic enclaves of the boroughs outside Manhattan, including Staten Island, which is home to the First Congressional District, one of the most fiercely contested in the state.
The Bottom Line
Making matters worse for Republicans, people from the state's more liberal areas are moving upstate. Northern Westchester through the northern Saratoga Valley, along the Hudson, has the state's highest rate of growth, according to Mr. Gyory. Many of the migrants are coming from New York City, drawn in particular by an emerging high-tech sector. (Mr. Obama visited the University at Albany's College of Nanoscale Science and Engineering in May.) The result, Mr. Gyory said, resembles âwhat's going on in North Carolina - it's less predictably Republican than it was.â
This isn't to say that there are no Republican bastions. On the contrary, Republicans hold a majority in the State Senate, with upstate's many rural districts sending conservatives to Albany.
âDemocrats can't win upstate outside of major urban areas,â Mr. Greenberg said. And down the ballot, âmost of upstate is actually in play,â he said.
A shrinking population cost New York two House seats, bringing the number to 27. When it appeared that his district would be split, one upstate Democrat retired, and several of the redrawn districts incorporated greater shares of Republicans. But the Republican candidates will not have much help from the state and national parties. âThey're not going to contest for the presidential; they don't have a strong Senate candidate,â Mr. Gyory said. âThey don't give a lot of air cover down -ballot.â
As minorities and young people move to swing districts, and as New York City begins to vote more in proportion with its share of the population, the long-term trends don't look good for Republicans. But New York's cycles are slow.
âIn New York, the party pendulum doesn't swing in four- and eight-year cycles,â Mr. Gyory said. âIt tends to swing in 16-to-20-year cycles.â